Political Crisis in Bangladesh: It’s Impact on Minorities and Concern for India

Abstract

The on-going violent anti-quota protest in Bangladesh has killed more than hundred people injured thousands so far. Even though the 30% reservation for the family members of those fought for the liberation of Bangladesh war was the reason behind it, but there is a strong possibility of foreign forces behind violent protest. This protest got support from the overseas Bangladeshi citizens from USA, Australia, Britain, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and the Indian state of West Bengal. The Supreme Court of Bangladesh has reduced the quota from 30 per cent to 5 per cent, but resentment has not abated. Violent agitation is going on in Bangladesh Even though India had advised the concerned departments not to react to it at the very beginning; West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee said that anyone coming to India from Bangladesh is welcomed in West Bengal due to security reasons. Geo-politically Bangladesh is important for India and Vice-versa

Key Words: Minority, State Policies and Practices, Perception of Majority,

Introduction:

With the change of government in Bangladesh, there could be shifts in Bangladesh's foreign policy. Sheikh Hasina's government had maintained a positive relationship with India, though there were some tensions over issues like water-sharing, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in India, and illegal immigration etc. A change in leadership could alter this dynamic, possibly seeking closer ties with other countries, such as China or Pakistan, which could deteriorate relations with India. Bangladesh's geographical location and its historical linkages make it a strategically important country for India. Given that the Awami League has been a dominant force in the country's political landscape, its ousting could lead to a power vacuum with potential rival factions trying to control the power. This instability could impact India's security and economic interests in several ways.

When we look at the situation today, it is very dire. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has left country to India and may fly to western countries to seek the support. The USA and many other countries were not happy with the way election was conducted in Bangladesh. In their eyes it is not held in free, fair and democratic way. It is dangerous for the democracy. So, taking into account the situation people may cross the Indo-Bangladesh border for the safety and security which will have security concern for India too. In a recent interview, Mohammad Yunus who is a recipient of the Nobel Prize said that India should not consider it an internal issue and should intervene keeping in mind the seriousness of the situation (The Economic Times, 2024). He further said that in India, elections take place periodically in free environment but not in Bangladesh. India should help in this regard, but in India’s understanding such intervention is not appropriate because the Bangladesh should officially seek help from India. Without such request it would be violation of international treaties and law. If India intervenes on its own, it will amount to a gross violation of country's sovereignty and subject to the international criticism. People from minority communities and political leaders are on their targets. The rights are important for the development of human beings but in the given situation it has become very difficult to enjoy the basic rights. They are very much part of our life. At present all nation-states in their constitution have incorporated certain rights and they are legally binding on all institutions, authorities, persons, policy makers, adjudicating departments etc. in their respective States. Bangladesh is not exception to this. After the liberation from the West Pakistan, it incorporated in its constitution of 1972 certain rights for its own citizens. Along with this, the constitution made specific provisions for the protection of cultural rights of the religious minorities. In principle, this document, that is fundamental law of the land, has great value but in practice, people from religious minorities remain subject to the dominance of the majority.

Research Method

This paper tries to understand the questions like, what made military ruler to change the fundamentals of the Bangladesh constitution. What role does India have to play in such a situation, and protect minorities? To answer this questions analytical and descriptive methods have been used. The prevailing situation, existing documents, views of the policymakers and scholars have been analyzed in the article.

Communal Practices:President Ramnath Kovind's three days visit to Bangladesh in the year 2021 is a kind of revisiting the India- Bangladesh relations through shared history and common culture. He paid a visit to the Kali temple and said that the revived temple shall again represent the spiritual and cultural ties between both countries. The temple was destroyed by the Pakistani Army in the 1971 liberation war by killing the priest, along with Hindu men, women and children who had taken refuge in the temple to stave off the onslaught. It is estimated that more than 250 Hindus were murdered in cold blood before the temple was demolished (OpIndia, 2021). The temple had a long and great history. It was constructed during the medieval period. It was a great coincidence that during the President's visit, Bangladesh was celebrating its 50th year of liberation. President Kovind attended the golden jubilee of bilateral relations (The Hindu, 2021). Acts of vandalism are frequently observed in Bangladesh particularly whenever minorities are celebrating their festivals such acts are deliberately made to happen. The recent such sort of vandalism in Bangladesh occurred on 13 October 2021 during Durga Puja festival based on the falls rumors in which many minority people victimized. In the city of Chittagong, the Bangladesh Hindu-BuddhistChristian Unity Council announced to sit on hunger strike against the violence (Times of India, 2021). On 17th March 2022, an ISCON (ISKCON, 2022) Radhakanta temple was attacked by a mob of about two hundred people in Bangladesh. Scholars, academicians, blog writers etc. are not free from the personal attacks and physical injuries those have challenged unscientific writing of the religious epics. Mukto-Mono (Free Mind) blog site founder in Abjeet Roy is one of the examples of intolerance to the scientific writings. He propagated secular, scientific and humanist writing in Muslim majority Bangladesh. He was a Bangladeshi born US citizen and an engineer by profession. He came to Bangladesh for a visit. He was continuously receiving death threat from Islamist radicals for his writing on his Free Mind blog. His writings such as “Virus of Faith'', “Does Quran has had any scientific miracle” that really hit the Islamic fundamentalists those started threatening his life. The death threats started flowing on email inbox on a regular basis. Abjeet, 45, was stabbed to death and his wife Rafida Ahmed Bonna, 35, was seriously injured in an attack by unidentified assailants near the TSC roundabout (The Daily Star, 2021). He was an influential blog writer. His killing is considered an attack on progressive ideas. His killing sparked outrage in the country and many activists, blog writers staged protests near Dhaka University. His father, Ajay Roy, was former professor of physics at Dhaka University who was always against false ideas. Professor jay Roy called upon the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to bring the killers of his son to book and ban all militant outfits including Jamaat-e-Islami (EFSAS, 2022). It is believed to be behind the attack (Ajoy Roy, 2022). Roy's family says Jamaat-eIslami received threats after publishing articles promoting secular views, science and social issues on his Bengali-language blog, Free Mind. The core question, how long such militant and extremists’ organizations will be able to suppress the voices of marginalized communities? It is also a failure of the state machinery to protect and uphold the secular and liberal views. Was it a crime to educate people through writing and organizing public talk about the false propaganda under the religious curtain? It is not the first time such attacks on the secular writing in Bangladesh took place but there were so many of such incidents happened. The killing of Ahmed Rajib Haider in early 2013 of another secular blogger, which was blamed on religious hardliners, sparked protests from free-speech supporters and counterprotests from Islamists. The Bangladesh court has given the verdict in the case, but it could not satisfy the anger of the community (Shaikh Azizur Rahman, 2016). The well-known writer Taslim Nasreen too suffered at the hands of fanatic groups including physical and verbal attacks after the publication of Lajja. She had written critical about Islamic philosophy and practices that angered many Muslims of Bangladesh and called for a ban of her book. In October 1993, the Council of Islamic Soldiers declared a bounty for her death. Since then, she has been continuously on the run to seek a permanent safe place to settle down. These sorts of acts have threatened territorial integrity, national sovereignty as well as peace and stability of the South Asian region. The militant groups in Bangladesh have grown in strength and reach to extent where they are able to conduct organized terror campaigns all over the country. Extremist groups and terrorism in Bangladesh is essentially a home grown war. Militants are waging war against their own people in general and minority communities in particular. A 65-year-old Hindu priest was brutally killed by extremist forces in Bangladesh while he was on the way to a temple. This was one of the murders in the series of attacks in Muslim- majority country like Bangladesh. Brutal attacks on minorities and secular activists by Islamists have been frequently observed.

Ananta Gopal Ganguly was attacked at around 9.30 am by three men who slit his throat with sharp-edged weapons (The Indian Express 2016). Bangladesh has been an increased amount of violence tied to Islamists. Since January 2015, 40 religious minorities and secularists have been killed by extremists, police say (The Atlantic, 2016). Taking into account the human rights violence in Bangladesh, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry’s called to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and urged to conduct a thorough investigation into the recent killings, including the one of LGBT rights activist Zulhaz Mannan, who was an official at the USAID in Bangladesh (The Hindu, 2016). The conventional wisdom has been to place the growing level of the violence and intolerance at the doorstep of the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist party and its four-party coalition government. The massive victory of Khaleda Zia in the October 2001election was often seen as the beginning current wave of militancy. The ‘BNP’s political support base is mainly a pro-Pakistani segment of the Bangladesh society and masses controlled by the jihadists and Islamists organizations. While militant acts have increased since then, it is also argued here that the problem has deep roots and all political forces in the country, including Awami League, have been responsible for the present situation. The politics of Islamisation, growth of madrassas, rise of religious parties, official patronage, and Taliban/al-Qaeda presence are contributing factors for the growth of Islamic militancy in Bangladesh. The rise of fundamentalism and politics of religion have a deep impact on secular writing, liberty and property. Due to the external pressure and internal economic situation of Bangladesh, Mujibur Rahman was forced to revive the Islamic Academy which had been banned in 1972 and Bangladesh also became a member of the Organization of Islamic Countries in 1974. This sowed the seeds of fundamentalism and religious intolerance. Mujibur Rahman might not have in mind that in future the secular character of the constitution would be in danger. It has omitted the word ‘secularism’ in 1977 as a fundamental principle of the 1972 constitution and instead inserted “absolute truth and faith in Almighty Allah”. In 1988, Ershad, a military ruler made changes in the constitution and declared Islam as the state religion. He had given liberal hand by state to Islamization and religious parties that prospered fundamentalism and religious intolerance. It resulted in reduction of minority population from 35% in 1901 to around 9% in 2020. Further, when I was in Bangladesh for my research in April 2012, I did put a question to the respondents, do you feel religious intolerance will harm the process of nation building in Bangladesh? Out of hundred, 96 respondents said religious intolerance will harm the process of nation building. It is quite clear that religious tolerance is a necessary condition for nation building in general and newly emerged country like Bangladesh in particular. The roots of religious intolerance should be traced back in history. The first Islamic outfits were formed on Bangladesh soil by the Pakistani army in 1971. With the help of Jamaat-e-Islami, they formed Razakar and Al Badar, two armed outfits tailored to exterminated Bengali freedom fighters, which were branded as ‘anti-Islamic’ and ‘proIndian’(Sreeradha Datta 2007), Sreeradha Datta, in the article, Islamic militancy in Bangladesh: The Threat from within gives very detailed study of contributing factors for rise of fundamentalism like Islamization, growth of madras’, presence of Taliban, and Al-Qaida and liberal attitude towards religious parties, growth of religious parties and their link with militant group and impact on policy makers. The politics of extremism and religion in politics in Bangladesh also have so much impact on socio – economic life of minorities. Former secretary of United Nation Kofi Annan had written many heads of the government including Bangladesh government in 2001 that the Jamaat allies committed heinous acts in Chandshi, Bahadrupur, Barthi, Pingolkati, Ashukati and many other places on religious minorities for their political support to Awami League party. They raped women in public, squeezed eyes and killed those who went against them. In a report of U.S. State Department an eyewitness says, ‘you name any sorts of barbaric misdeeds, these Islamic fundamentalists have committed them all’ (United States Department of State, 2017). Bangladesh has to recognize the plurality of its society in form of culture, religion, political beliefs, language etc. It is quite true that civil society has to play a major role in this respect. Sensitive and humanely conscious society can provide the best safeguard for its own minority people. At the same time it is first duty of the State to provide security to each one in the State. The nonrecognition of the minority rights and minority presence in the state shows Bangladesh as a Bengali Muslim-dominated state which shrinks the space for the minorities to exist as distinct communities with customary rights, beliefs, culture and ways of life. Farabi Shafiru Rahman has been arrested by Bangladesh’s Rapid Action Battalion in the connection of Abhjeet’s killing (India Today, 2015). But arrest the foot soldier is not enough to deter the larger network of the extremist organization. Government has to apprehend the root of the killers for a harmonious and prosperous “Sonar Bangla”.

Government Policies:

The 8th constitutional amendment in 1988, which declared Bangladesh as Islamic state made religious minorities more vulnerable than ever. Since then, religion is used statesmen to legitimize their autocratic rule (Guhathakurta, M. 2012). Moreover, marginalization of minorities in every walk of life led to the feeling of alienation. In order to have a healthy and inclusive society, a state must be a secular one. No citizen of the state should feel that particular religion or culture is superior to other culture or religion. Religion is private matter, and it should be treated equally in the eyes of the government as well as before the law. There is reservation for women in Jatiya Sangsad of Bangladesh, but we do not find women representative from minority communities in it. Does it mean that there is no worthy woman from religious minorities to be a member of Jatiya Sangsad? The present situation has become worse for the minorities. The minority communities just want safe life in Bangladesh. Political representation is far to them. The major opposition political parties, religious based groups in Bangladesh have consolidated their power on the basis of religion. And the minority communities because they are less in number, cannot win in elections. Religion remains the dominant factor in the domestic politics of Bangladesh. When we debate the identity politics, particularly in multi-cultural society like Bangladesh, it is not an easy task to get it back. Looking back to history it is a well-known fact that Bangladesh was part of secular India. Destroying the temples and Viharas of Buddhist origin are examples to prove it. The identity of non-Muslims is trashed time and again in Bangladesh by killing and murdering the nonMuslims. No one in the world like to live without self-respect; even an imprisoned accused needs respect. And here the question is of a million people who are free but for name’s sake, they are in continuous threat of losing their life if they revolt to earn their snatched identity. Therefore, the major political parties in Bangladesh needs to change their behavior towards the minorities and give proper representation in all walks of life to the religious community including women from minority communities so that they could address their problems confidently. In the field of education, Bangladesh Government has many boards of secondary and higher secondary education, e.g. Madarsa education board, Sanskrit and Pali education board etc. At present the board receives only one lakh rupees annually The board was running its business in a house which was on rent for 1500 (Azad, S. 2005). The following table shows how the pessimistic approach of the government affected the education of the Buddhist tribal people which further affected their economic status

Table Shows Highest class passed by household members above the age of 5 years in Buddhist Tribals.

Population trends for major religious groups in Bangladesh (1951–2022)

Source: "Population and Housing Census 2022 Preliminary Report". Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. August 2022

The aims and objectives of any state is its national interest. National interests are measured in on many grounds such as economic development, skilled population, natural resources, political leadership, political stability etc. For this, a state needs to have inclusive development policies that will help all the citizens of the state. At the same time, the majority community must be tolerant enough so that others can live peacefully and make progress. Certain discriminatory measures like not to disburse loans to the Hindus those are living in the area bordering India, or continuation of Enemy Property Act after the liberation of Bangladesh hampered socio-economic development of minority communities. The act has an effect on social stability, and conversely, the effect of internal security on economic development and the status of both individuals and community (Bandyopadhyay P.K., 2004). If the leadership of Bangladesh thinks that history should not be repeated, then they also must not repeat the same blunder that was committed by the then Pakistani leadership/military rulers. The government of Bangladesh needs to take immediate steps in respect of Enemy Vested Property Act to return it to its original owner. There is a need to set up a fast-track court to clear the cases related to Enemy Vested Property Act as the government of Bangladesh has done in the war crime cases. There are also many complexities in the existing law of Vested Property Return Act (The Daily Star, 2012) e.i. Property is grabbed by person A from B and sold it to C and again C sold it to D. Now the question arises that there is a legal transaction between B, C and D then, how is the government going to take it back and give it to A? There is nothing mentioned about this in the existing Vested Property Return Act. Moreover, political parties should ensure that there should be no more grab of immovable property by any leaders. Again, when we see the representation of minority communities in government departments, it is not exceeding 5% whereas their population is around 8.9 per cent as on 2022. The Buddhist Tribal people in employment are negligible. The legal quota in the government jobs for the Buddhists tribe remained unfulfilled. The Sheikh Hasina’s initiative to increase 30 per cent reservation to the kin of the freedom fighters has not mentioned about what would be reservation to the minorities. But before it has been materialized political turmoil took place in Bangladesh. Women safety, special women cells need to be established with only or maximum women employed in the cell so that victims can express their sad stories. Some women from religious minorities must be there to represent the victims.

Constitutional Amendments and Its Implications on Minorities in Bangladesh:

The Bangladesh liberation war was a nationalist one. This nationalist zeal continued even after the Bangladesh gained independence. The Bengali nationalism, in the form of their language, culture has been promoted by the state. But after the independence the rule of majority reflects in the constitution as tampered by reactive forces that politicized "Islam" for their political benefits. The new state of Bangladesh emerged as a secular polity. The first Constitution passed on November 4, 1972, was a secular one. The preamble of the Constitution emphasized secularism as one of the fundamental principles of state policy (Hossain, S. A., 1997). Article 1 Part 1 declared Bangladesh to be a unitary state. The Article 3 of Part 1 adopted Bengali as the state language and Article 6 of Part 1 declared that the citizens of Bangladesh were to be known as Bengali (Hossain, S. A., 1997). The Bangladesh Constitution of 1972 in Article 9 defined Bengali nationalism as: The unity and solidarity of the Bengali nation, which derives its identity from its language and culture, attained sovereignty and independent Bangladesh. This has also affected overall population growth of minorities in Bangladesh. Following chart shows the declining trend of the minority population

Sources: Bangladesh Population Census 2001 and Bangladesh Population and Housing Census 2011

The incorporation of the above clauses in the constitution shows the dominance of the majority community within the state. The imposition of Bengali nationality on all the citizens of Bangladesh deprived the ethnic communities of Bangladesh to Bengali. Raja Devashish Roy, a Barrister and Chief of Chakma said that the Advasis of Bangladesh have been denied their identity in the Constitution of the country. The anger of the Adivasis have deepened more continues changes in the constitution in favour of the majority community. Amena Mohsin argues that there was no room for accommodating the minorities within this new state discourse. After the amendment of the Constitution and declaring Islam as state religion, the ethnic minorities found themselves to be minorities both in the ethnic and religious sense. The Raja Devashish Roy articulated that the recognition will shield against the secessionist tendency and not weaken it. Article 12, through which communal political parties were banned in Bangladesh, was also dropped. Article 9 which stressed the linguistic and cultural unity of Bengali nationalism was omitted. In place of "Bengalis", the “citizens of Bangladesh”, inserted through Article 6 Clause 2 and now they are known as "Bangladeshi". These changes were given effect through the fifth constitutional amendment in 1979 during the Ziaur Rhman regime. Sengupta explained this trend as retreat of secularism in Bangladesh and decline in the status of minorities. The authors says that it is quest for legitimacy by the non-elected leaders who had come to power either by military coup or unconstitutional means irrespective of its consequences on minority communities in particular and nation as whole (Sing S.N.2003)

The process of using religion by the political leadership took momentum during the military regimes of General Ziaur Rahman (1975-1981) and General H.M. Ershad (1982-1990). The words like "Bismillah ar- Rahman ar- Rahim" (in the name of Allah, the beneficent, and the merciful) inserted during General Ziaur Rahman. The word secularism was replaced by the words, "Absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah shall be the basis of all action." "Islamiyat" was introduced as compulsory from classes I to VIII with the option for minority students to take similar religious courses of their own (Roy T. (2007). This is very discriminatory to the students having different faith.

After the assassination of the Zia, his successor, Ershad made systematic efforts to continue the policy of Zia, rehabilitating anti-liberation elements and the parallel Islamisation which culminated in the 8th constitutional amendment which declared "Islam" as a state religion. He completely ignored the diversity of the culture and existence of a multi religious society. This constitutional amendment has a deep impact on the people belonging to different religions. After the change in the regime, no democratically elected government changed these provisions. The major national political parties, despite electoral promises written in election manifestos, failed to stand shoulder to shoulder with the minorities. No political party has come forward for a cause of the minorities. One of the major factors that have affected the traditional lands of the minorities is the Vested Property Act. The Act has been applied unjustly against both Hindus and ethnic communities. Local officials and law enforcement agencies usually either remained silent on the minorities’ land cases or sided with the majority. (Human Rights Documentation Center, 2001). Details about this act will be seen in the next chapter.

In the recent development in Bangladesh, the Sheik Hasina government passed 15th constitutional amendment on June 30, 2011. The Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Barrister Shafique Ahmed placed the bill in the House amid thumping of the table by the treasury bench members. About Bismillahi-Ar Rahman-Ar-Rahim, the bill said "Bismillahi- Ar Rahman-Ar-Rahim" (in the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful)/ in the name of the Creator, the Merciful" shall be substituted at the beginning of the Constitution, above the preamble. The bill said the State religion of the Republic is Islam, but the State shall ensure equal status and equal right in the practice of the Hindu, Buddhist, Christian and other religions (Daily Star, 2013). Jamaat-e-Islami opposed the 15th constitutional saying we are expressing our deep concern for the misdeeds the government carrying out to divide the nation by imposing secularism in the name of getting back to 1972 constitution through amendment of constitution in the way beyond the constitution. The people of this country are apprehended for the unwanted situation that the government is checking in the name of constitution amendment. The present government is leading the country back by creating unnecessary dispute and reanimating different settled issues after resuming office.

Sudden reaction to the amendment came from minority communities and secular forces. Bangladeshi Hindus and other minorities denounced the Islamic Constitution. Thousands protested in Bangladesh against Islamic Constitution. Thousands of protesters marched in capital Dhaka towards Bangladesh parliament against adoption of an Islamic constitution, steering away from a secular political culture, which was enshrined in the 1972 constitution. A half a mile long rally organized by a conglomerate of Hindu and other ethnic groups, left parties and pro-secular groups, chanting antigovernment slogans and waving red flags marched towards the parliament. Rana Dasgupta, the General Secretary of Hindu Boudhha Christian Oikya Parishad (HBCOP), a key organization of religious minorities in Bangladesh, said the entire nation wanted the restoration of the spirit of secularism.”We are deeply disappointed…this has violated our fundamental rights and that is why we are rejecting the amendment”. The HBCOP claimed that it deprived the country’s nearly 2.5 corer religious and ethnic minorities from their rights of Hinduism and other religious beliefs (All Headline News, 2011).

The Enemy Property Act, Genesis and Its Implications:

The great political thinker, John Lock says an individual has basic or natural rights, right to life, right to liberty, and right to property. For L. T. Hobhouse, property is to be conceived in terms of the centrality of man over things. As the enemy property law referred to land in Bangladesh, its socioeconomic implications are quite enormous. (Bandyopadhay 2004:135). The vested property Laws in Bangladesh are considered a major cause of various socio-economic problems of the minorities.

However, these are not sudden development but a culmination of a series of Acts, Laws and Ordinances which are discriminatory to the minorities and passed by the ruling elites of the then Pakistan government and later by Bangladesh government. The origin can be traced to the East Bengal (Emergency) Requisition of property Act XIII of 1948. Thereafter much legislation was passed and circulars issued affecting the landed property owned by Hindu religious minority groups over a period of time.

This resulted in massive exodus from the erstwhile East Pakistan to India. According to an estimate the actual figure of such exodus during the period from 1964 to 1991 was 9.3 million (Barkat, Abul, 1997). The seventeen days war between India and Pakistan in Sep. 1965 was a turning point in matters of the landed property of the minorities. After the introduction of the Enemy property (custody and registration) order II of 1965, the Pakistan government in the same year issued an order titled the East Pakistan Enemy property (Land and Buildings) Administration and Disposal order of 1966 for East Pakistan. The Enemy property (custody and registration) order of 1965 was based on the basic arguments: (a) India was declared as an enemy country as India and Pakistan were at the state of war during the time. (b) All interests of the enemy; the nationals of India, those residing in the territory occupied/ controlled/ captured by India in the land, buildings, firms and property situated in Pakistan would be taken over by the custodian of Enemy property for control and management (c) The benefits out of such land, property and trade should not go to the enemy in the interest of the security of Pakistan (Bandyopadhyay, 2004). The purpose of the act was to give the control of certain properties and assets of the person who are non-resident of Bangladesh. However, this Act of 1974 was extensively used take over the assets of those citizens who left Bangladesh during liberation war and took foreign citizenship. It is observed that the Act of 1974 was extensively used against Hindu minorities (Goswami, H. and Nasreen Z. 2003).

In November 1976, General Ziaur-Rahman repealed the vested and Non-resident property Administration Act of 1974 and substituted it by ordinance XCII of 1976. Before the ordinance, all these acts authorized the government of Bangladesh only to become guardian and to protect enemy property in accordance with the agreement made with India. But, after the ordinance of 1976, the government became the owner of the property instead of the guardian of the same. Thus, the government infringed on the ownership of minorities, which is a gross violation of the right to private. These steps were undertaken mainly to strengthen the socio-political base of the vested groups, particularly Muslims. The real motive of the dictatorial regime was to do away with the spirit of Bengali nationalism and also wanted to create a situation of panic and insecurity among the Hindus as they were considered to be the bridge of Bengali nationalism, culture and spirit. Secondly, the military wanted to establish a strong ruling government and power structure by assisting them to acquire vested properties in exchange for collaboration with the government and thirdly, the military dictators wanted to divert the attention of the citizens from current political development in Bangladesh to consolidate their position. This led to mass grabbing of property. The documentation of the National Seminar on Enemy (Vested) property Act, May 6-7, 1994, Dhaka by Samprodadaik Samprity Parishad recorded that, “de-peasantization and victimization are active elements in the process of migration in more than one way. The Hindu peasantry of Bangladesh is cynically and most systematically robbed of land on communal consideration in the villages of Bangladesh and the peasants are thus forced to flee (Trivedi, Rabindranath, 2007)

a) The Loss of property and Reaction of Minorities to the Law:

After the passing of Enemy Vested Property (continuance of emergence provisions) Act, 1974, Hindus suffered economically worst. According to Ruchira Joshi in her research article, “Situation of Minority in Bangladesh”, approximately, a millions Hindu house holders have been deprived of over 1.64 million acres of landed property. This includes 81.7% agriculture land, 10% homestead land, 1.74% garden land, 2.4% ponds, 0.68% follow land and rest was 3.4%. The property of Hindu community grabbed by political parties like BNP 20%, Muslim League 44%, Awami League 17%, Jatiyo Party 5% and Jammat-e-Islami 1 per cent. So called secular character of Awami League could not prevent itself from grabbing the property of Hindu minority (Sing, S.N., 2003). Mr. Abul Barkat, a professor of economics in Dhaka University in his research paper, “An inquiry into Causes and Consequences of Deprivation of Hindu Minorities in Bangladesh Through Vested Property Act”, stated that the total value of vested enemy property is Taka 12,09,600 million which is equal to 70 per cent GDP of the Bangladesh of the year 2000 (Barkat, Abul, 1997)

The Association for Land Reform and Development (ALRD), a Dhaka based NGO, estimates that a total of 10,48,390 households have been affected by the vested property Act. About 30 percent of Hindu households (including those are missing) or 10 out of every 34 Hindus households are the victims of VPA. These estimates are based on possible assumptions which are considered sufficiently indicative of the seriousness of the situation. Because of such repression, Hindu have been fleeing from Bangladesh and taking shelter in neighboring states of India. According to ALRD, the implementation of Enemy Property Act/Vested Property Act (EPA/VPA) has accelerated the process of mass out-migration of Hindu population from mid-1960 onwards. The estimated size of such out-migration during 1964-1991 was 9.3 million. So it could not be wrong if we conclude that E/VPA acted as an effective tool for extermination of Hindu minority. The people of Bangladesh are dependent upon agriculture. About 2/3 of the total population is based on agriculture. Hindus in large extent are also doing agriculture. But discrimination by the state on religious ground and excess interference in the economic activities, particularly of the Hindus, lead to continuous increase in landlessness. It increased 1/3 percent of total population at the time of independence to 67% at present, unemployment stands at 35% and no doubt Hindus are also suffering (Ibid., 1997).

The development of each and every entity of a state is equally important in her life. The process of nation building cannot be imagined without taking into account all sections of the society. A state cannot move forward and cannot become a nation leaving behind particular group/s of people only for the reason that they follow different faiths and practices. The ignorance or discrimination of a group of people on the grounds of race, religion, language, place of birth, ethnicity etc. will pull a state backward and not forward. During the process of Bangladesh liberation and post liberation period, minority communities had contributed tremendously in the making of Bangladesh. The language movement which really sowed the seeds of Bengali nationalism primarily consisted of culture and linguistic factors. The language movement can be seen in Dhiredranath Datta’s speech made in Pakistan parliament. He said,

"Sir, in moving this— the motion that stands in my name--- I can assure the House that I do so not in a spirit of narrow Provincialism, but, Sir, in the spirit that this motion receives the fullest consideration at the hands of members. I know, Sir, that Bengali is a provincial language, ………but out of six crore and ninety lakh [69 million] of people of people inhabiting this State, 4 crores and 40 lakhs 44 million of people speak the Bengali language… (Datta, Dhirendranath, 1948)

The linguistic movement promoted the total cultural heritage of Bengali which included the work of both Hindus and Muslims. This secular orientation denotes a major shift from the two-nation theory of Pakistan. Many youngsters, students and people from minority communities received bullets on open chest only for their Bengali nationalism and complete statehood for Bangladesh. The post liberation period does not seem so good for the religious minorities. The approaches of the different governments and policies towards CHT people may lead to demand for separate statehood if their aspirations and demands are not met by the government. Their contribution in the liberation war must be recorded in history as well as their demand for constitutional recognition for their language needs to be given serious attention. This will help to protect and preserve the original culture of the community in the process of globalization. As they all were part of liberating Bangladesh, now they all must be part of making modern Bangladesh. The perception of the Bangladesh government about the demand for autonomy by CHT people as a national threat is completely wrong. It should be seen from the national integration point of view as well as bringing these people into the mainstream of national development. The role of the Christian community, particularly in the social services, without the financial help from Bangladesh must be noticed. At the same time, it should be taken into account that the complex laws and restrictions on funds receiving from foreign sources delay the inflows of foreign funds and thereby hamper the process of providing social services. Therefore, government of Bangladesh should rationalize such laws and restriction, certain kind of self-regulatory authority to be given so that the NGOs, civil society groups or any institution working for social cause will not get harmed

Table showing representation of minorities in politics

There is a huge gap of trust between majority and minority. Majority people do not consider Hindus as citizens of Bangladesh. Hindus are subject to the comments passed on them by their classmates, co-workers, passer-by etc. Sometimes comments passed on them are unbearable, but they have to ignore them. The relations between both are prejudices towards each other. There are some stereotypical images of the majority regarding the characteristics of minorities. In most of the cases, stereotypical images connect Hindus with India. Therefore, the relationship between both is not developed in a healthy manner and not up to the expectations. Religious extremism, religious intolerance, presence of terrorist organisations, policies of government, mushrooming of Islamic schools, poverty, lawlessness all have posed big challenges before minorities in sphere of jobs, business, citizenship, safety and security and religious freedom. We can simply understand that the father of Bangladesh could not save life from the fundamentalists, so what would be the state of security of minority communities in Bangladesh. Many intellectuals, scholars, social activists, political leaders are the targets of the fundamentalists and terrorist groups because of their secular writing or secular character. The objective of these fundamentalists’ organizations is to make Bangladesh a theocratic state like Saudi Arabia.

The most important segment of the society is its citizens and the perception of majority towards minority must not be prejudiced as the data of my field survey has proved it true. During the field survey, I have found that still after the forty years of independence of Bangladesh, the government as well as the civil society is unable to gain the trust of minority communities. Still, the people from minority communities feel that they are second category citizens in their own motherland. Out of the 90 respondents, 60 respondents said yes, which in terms of percent is 66. Again, out of the 90 respondents 60 respondents said that they feel alienated while working with majority people. The religious identity always reflects while interacting with their fellow or senior, whether it is official or unofficial communication, said the respondent. As far as the “institutional discrimination” (Masoud Kamali, 2009) is concerned, 55 per cent respondents said that they are subject to irrelevant questions during interviews. As a result they get fail to get through the exams. Similarly, 86 per cent respondents said that the political representation and employment is adversely affected. The minority community is not able to have its due share in institutional representation. 98 per cent respondents said institutional discrimination of minority community brings communal disharmony in the society

No Change in the Attitudes of the Majority Community toward Minority Community after Ten Years

So, this kind of attitude creates distrust and rift between minority and majority communities. Further, 96 respondents said religious intolerance will harm the process of nation building. Religious tolerance is a necessary condition for nation building in general and newly emerging country like Bangladesh in particular. The reason for physical insecurity for the migration of minority communities from Bangladesh to India remains the least discourse. Only36 per cent of respondents said yes to the reason. Along with the physical insecurity, the other reasons like economic opportunities, education, and employment are also important. From the above facts the hypothesis has been proved true, that the institutional discrimination brings communal disharmony in society

This objective of the fundamentalist has created distrust between different religious communities. This has been discussed in detail in the third chapter. Thus, the hypothesis of my study, that the presence of extremist elements in the society creates distrust among the people of different communities has been proved true. The low representation of minorities in different institutes is the result of discrimination in different forms. The total population of religious minorities is ten per cent but their representation in different walks of life is not exceeding five per cent. During my field survey, fifty-five per cent respondents said that they are subject to irrelevant questions during interviews. It is nothing but to prevent them from entering the system. This kind of institutional discrimination has led to communal disharmony in the society. The data of my field study reveals that out of the total respond 98 per cent respondent said institutional discrimination brings communal disharmony in the society. Thus, the second hypothesis, institutional discrimination of minority community communities brings communal disharmony in the society, has also proved true. In order to build an inclusive society, we need a secular state. All other forms of states are exclusionary. Theocracies and states that formally and substantively establish single religions are the most exclusionary

It may not curtail religious liberty constitutionally, but in practice and during communal violence all religions are not seen equally. Post violence rehabilitation also seen from the religious perspective If a victim is belonging to the non-state religion, he/she has to suffer a lot. They have strong exclusionary practices because they exclude non-believers and tend to exclude internal minorities, dissenters and women. States with multiple establishments tend to be more inclusive

Concern for India

This is an alarm bell for India in the current situation. Somehow India’s neighbourhood first policy is getting hampered because there is a possibility that some foreign powers are trying to destabilize India's neighbours. It is similar situation like what happened in Sri Lanka in recent past, people have taken over the residence of the Prime Minister and taking away articles in Bangladesh or India out movement in Maldives are some recent examples. It may have spillover effect on other neighbouring countries like Nepal. Hence, India should communicate and discuss the future consequences with the governments, military establishments and other stakeholders of the respective countries to normalize the situation in its neighbourhood. The army officials in Bangladesh have announced that they are in touch with all political parties, protesters and talking with them. In this situation an interim government would be formed and elections will be held in Bangladesh again in a free and fair manner. India should support this initiative.

Conclusion

The study found that the structure of an authoritarian, anti-religious secular state is identical to a theocracy or a state with established religions. The kind of secular state that is necessary for building inclusive society is not of the strict wall of separation or the strictly neutral variety. To make the society more inclusive, it must have a secular state of the principled distance variety. A state based on a particular religion is not only dangerous to the people of different faiths but also to the state itself in the long run. During the medieval period, the western countries did away with religion because it made impossible for the governing class to govern independently. It is also not necessary that secular states can function effectively without any discrimination and without any violence. They work well only in appropriate public, political, social and institutional settings. For example, no secular state can work without a properly functioning regime of rights. So, protection of the rights of every individual is a necessary condition. The guarantee of the civil, political and legal rights given by the constitution must be upheld. Without these background conditions, a secular state cannot work well. Yet, a secular state, no matter how imperfect in form, can itself contribute to the creation of these wider cultures. The struggle for a secular state is related to and dependent on a struggle for an appropriate legal, rights-endowed and democratic culture. The diversity of culture, belief and opinion must be respected. It would be wrong on the part of any state to solve complex problems like this. Rather, it is important to have a package of policies, some that are to be floated together right away and others that must follow today’s policies at an appropriate time. In short, every single policy must be complimented with a vision of other succeeding policies. The state of minorities in Bangladesh is a human rights issue. Status of minorities all over the world has proven a pattern of discrimination and insecurity. However, the example of minorities in Bangladesh has a typical trend. The violence against the minority community is not new one but it has a historical legacy which has led to pollute the politics of the country. Lack of accountability and transparency of the state machinery only makes the situation worse. Bangladesh ought to recognise the plurality of its culture and people. Undoubtedly, civil society has the major and the most important role to play in this respect. A politically and humanely conscious citizenry can provide the best safeguard for its own security by compelling the government to democratize itself and make it people oriented.

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